Lecture in the series "Den nye tid" in Oslo, 15 February 1934.
By Dr. Gulbrand Lunde.
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity—it was the slogan of the French Revolution, representing the human rights that were meant to define the new France and Europe. But how did it unfold? There is hardly any slogan that has been more misused than this one. The noble motto was soon forgotten, and we see how the rulers hastened to find a suitable explanation of the meaning of these three words. The old slogans acquired a kind of double meaning which one could conveniently change, depending on whether it suited one's own advantage or not. We will look a little at how this development of the concepts has taken place in the so-called bourgeois societies.
Thus, we see how liberal capitalism flourished in the shelter of the ideal of freedom. A French politician once stated the slogan of liberalism as: ‘Enrich yourself!’ — and this phrase truly became a motto for both individuals and the state. The better an individual within the state is doing, the better the entire state fares. If the individual can enrich themselves, others will benefit as well. This would be correct if the state ensured that this wealth also benefited society as a whole. However, the opposite has been the case. The law of the free play of forces was elevated to a kind of moral and economic gospel. The state was meant to directly support those who sought to acquire wealth, partly because they were also good tax contributors. Whether this has proven to be true, I will not delve into further detail here.
But the medal also had a flip side. The free play of forces, in reality, led to the development of capitalism in such a form that capital has actually become a power, not only within the state but also over people. Money has gained power over people. Originally a medium of exchange, money has transformed into a power in itself. It now serves as a means for the most brutal abuse of people’s freedom and rights. Darwin’s theory of development, which posits that all life is in a constant struggle, ensuring that the most suitable forms survive while others continue to evolve, was a perfect fit for liberalism. The idea that “the most skilled” should win resonated. The free play of forces thus becomes a ruthless battle for wealth and power at the expense of others. The most skilled individuals had the right to ruthlessly sweep aside their competitors and forge ahead, leaving want and misery in their wake. The state directly protected this system. However, the open way for the most capable did not necessarily mean those who could do the most for the good of their people; rather, it favored those who could obtain the most personal advantage for themselves.
I am now only discussing the entirely legal consequences of this tyranny and greed for money. However, this pernicious materialistic spirit, which the state has placed at the forefront, also gives rise to all possible kinds of abuse: from pure fraud to various forms of corruption and even small permissible actions that straddle the border of what is morally justifiable. Embezzlement and fraud are rampant both in the state and municipalities, as well as in private companies. Corruption and political exchanges are not merely occasional occurrences; they have become the norm in all politics. Ultimately, all these phenomena in our society can be traced back to the abuse of the idea of freedom. Freedom should not mean enriching oneself at the expense of other citizens. In today’s society, freedom has become detached from responsibility, leading to chaos. We are not too far from chaos in Norway today.
The free play of forces has transformed into a ruthless battle between evil forces and the good and moral aspects of our society. Morality and human compassion are trampled underfoot, all in the name of freedom.
We also witness how the celebrated free play of forces can lead to the destruction of entire industries, such as our exports. Disloyal individuals infiltrate developed markets, undermining them with dumping practices and inferior goods. A prime example is our fresh fish exports to Italy, where the free play of forces has wreaked havoc. Additionally, I’d like to highlight how the Norwegian canning industry itself has requested and obtained a law establishing an export center for sprat sardines, which will regulate the markets. This illustrates how the current form of the liberal capitalist system is already doomed, and development has outpaced it in our country as well.
I mentioned that freedom has always been Norway’s most precious possession. But how is the freedom of the Norwegian nobility today? There is something called monetary policy, and it is the monetary policy that has been pursued that has made a number of our noble peasants more unfree than they have ever been. During and after the war, as you know, all prices rose violently. The value of our krone fell. Later, as you know, it was decided that the krone should again be brought up to par. This naturally had to lead to a violent drop in prices, as all values which had been inflated to staggering sums during the boom had to be adjusted back to their real value in gold kroner. This led, as we know, to the violent crashes. Shipping, commerce, and industry could not pay the debt that was established in more or less worthless paper kroner with gold kroner. We remember all the banks that went under a few years ago, and how shareholders and savers had to pay for this across the country.
These were shipping, trade, and industry. In agriculture, it worked not so easily. The farmers who had taken over their farms at a time when the krone was worth nothing, and who had to bail out their siblings with large sums in worthless paper kroner, now have this debt in gold kroner. Currently, there are 40,000 farms in Norway where the mortgage debt is 75 percent of the assessment or more, and as the assessment is generally too high, all these farms have a mortgage debt that exceeds the real value. While the debt interest is 4-5 percent, the farm’s profitability is not even half a percent of the value.
Anyone can calculate for themselves where, under such conditions, it must lead within a short time. Quisling said during his election speech in Stavanger: ‘It is absolutely necessary that something be done, and quickly.’ About a week ago, the Norwegian Farmers’ Association sent a recommendation to the Storting that immediate action was required. The situation arose due to the country’s misguided monetary policy, pushing patience to its breaking point.
Let me illustrate with a couple of numbers. While agriculture has lost 2.3 percent in Norges Bank and 1.3 percent in other banks, shipping, trade, and industry have suffered a staggering 91.8 percent decline. These figures clearly demonstrate how the value of shipping, trade, and industry has been written down and regulated, while our agriculture continues to grapple with burdens.
But it’s not just a farm changing hands. No! It is more than that—it is the farmer’s entire existence. We must recognize this reality even in the cities. These conditions have led to the formation of Bygdefolkets Krisehjelp, an organization dedicated to protecting the farmer’s right to property and demanding justice for farmers.
It is this Rural People's Crisis Aid that bourgeois newspapers label as “crisis aid bandits”! On one occasion in Telemark, where the bank demanded the eviction of a farmer and his terminally ill daughter on the same day, the crisis aid intervened. Aftenposten reported that there had been communist riots, and "The International" was sung. Do you know the lyrics of the song? It was the emergency aid's anthem:
We require a place at the set table, where we carried the holy bread. But no one shall mock our impoverished country, or feast on our distress.
Indeed, they sang "The International". One wonders why, under such conditions, peasants want nothing to do with bourgeois parties. These parties have led them into a state of incapacity where they are no longer truly free men but rather slaves.
However, we do possess freedom of spirit—the freedom to think, speak, and write as we wish. Upon closer examination, this is not so surprising. A free intellectual life relies on unhindered access to share others' thoughts and opinions, as well as the ability to communicate one's own ideas. And it seems we have this access in Norway. But it is only apparent. We must not forget the enormous power wielded by the press. Whether it's the liberal capitalist outlook of Stavanger, the Marxist perspective of Iste Mai, or the nuanced stance of Aftenposten, the press imposes a particular view of life on its readers. Only articles aligned with the newspaper's worldview are printed. Even when opposing views find rare column space, they are often accompanied by a suitable tail to neutralize any potentially harmful impact from these outside opinions.
And our literature is not much better either. After all, it depends on good press, and thus must ideally also fit in with the outlook on life represented by the major press.
What is peculiar is that despite the significant contradictions between the liberal capitalist and the Marxist press, they both nevertheless agree to advocate the materialistic view of life as the only blissful one. Materialism is the foundation they build upon, whether they are bourgeois or revolutionary Marxists, and that is precisely why they clash. They cannot agree on the distribution of material goods, and this disagreement lies at the heart of the class struggle. The materialistic view of life has permeated every aspect of society. It forms the basis for both Marxism and capitalism. It is the selfish materialistic spirit, or perhaps the lack of spirit, that continually fuels the class struggle. And when our liberal capitalist society today fails to put a final stop to this economic struggle within our midst, it is precisely because our society still protects the rights of the ruthless and the strongest.
The struggle of the so-called bourgeois against the working class is dictated by their unwillingness to make sacrifices themselves. It is driven by their materialistic outlook on life and their ruthless selfish desires. That is why in our society today, we witness freedom to fight, freedom to engage in class struggle, and oppression.
Equality, the second slogan from the French Revolution, has also acquired a special meaning characteristic of our present society. Equality before the law, they express it so beautifully. However, even that cannot be said to be entirely correct. There is an old saying: you punish the small criminals, but you tip your hat to the big ones.
Today, a majority of our politicians fall into the latter category. On the other hand, we see frantic attempts at equality, such as the push for everyone to receive the same school education. Regardless of their abilities or whether they excel in practical or spiritual pursuits, students are forced into a uniform educational system. Unfortunately, this unitary schooling often relies on mediocrity, hindering the development of the gifted. Here, we witness the consequences of such standardization—a reduction in true equality and systematic suppression of opportunities for the capable. Beyond this apparent equality before the law and the school’s efforts to standardize equality, true equality remains limited and largely controlled by the prevailing ideas of freedom. In practice, this translates to reckless freedom, which ironically undermines the very essence of equality.
We see no need for brotherhood in our society at all. This aspect has been systematically understated. It doesn’t align well with bourgeois materialist politics either. Brotherhood quietly thrives in certain circles, yet it often ends up being trampled upon and undermined by the apostles of freedom. Charity is not considered very modern.
We must also acknowledge that there are workers who do not agree with all the actions of their leaders but are compelled to participate. Workers find themselves coerced into joining trade unions, even if they disagree with the policies these unions currently pursue. Remarkably, trade unions have become institutions over which the state has little control. Conversely, these unions wield significant influence over labor and may reject those who are willing to work.
We must learn to understand that Marxist socialism is freedom’s worst opponent; it drags humanity down to a materialistic level of production. It denies the spirit within man—indeed, it denies what truly defines humanity. While Marxism may promise greater freedom, it offers a distinct form of freedom. Everything that binds people together, everything that gives individuals personal value, must be removed to achieve complete “freedom.” According to Marxists, these bonds hinder free development, particularly religion, marriage, family life, and the home. Consequently, these ties must be severed. We witness these efforts at man’s “liberation” in full effect in our society today. Notably, respect for marriage and morality is eroded. The consequences of such freedom are evident: recklessness and irresponsibility permeate many aspects of our society.
Brotherhood does not find a place in the Marxist camp either. In the relationship with one’s neighbor, a person’s personal value is revealed, and that must not happen. This leads to stagnation in the social struggle, which can easily devolve into the “swamp of charity.” Consequently, love is not preached in communist agitation; instead, hate takes center stage. All the darkness within humanity is stirred to life, preparing the masses for revolution.
And yet it is brotherhood that is the biggest of the three slogans. Freedom and equality without fraternity will not be humane. Yes, brotherhood is in reality a condition for there to be freedom and equality between people. The freedom which is incompatible with fraternity becomes, as we have seen, only a variant of freedom. Equality is a matter of course for those who celebrate fraternity, not external schematization of equality, but equality as a human being. The reasons why the terms freedom and equality are so misused lie precisely in the fact that the third slogan, fraternity, had been forgotten.
Translated by LucciNation.
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