Born 29 July 1897 in Levanger, Nord-Trøndelag, Norway. Sverre Henschien was the Leader of the Førerguard from 1944 to 1945.
torsdag 21 mars 2024
Sophus Kahrs: Squad Leader and Company Commander at Leningrad and Leader of the Førerguard (1945)
In 1934, Kahrs joined the Nasjonal Samling. He also joined Hirden, and from 1936 was a member of NS Kamporganisaison. Fought on the Norwegian side when Norway was attacked by Germany from 9 April 1940. During the Second World War he became a lieutenant, and for a while acting battalion commander in the Norwegian ski fighter battalion (1944) which participated on the German side. Before this, he was sent to the Eastern Front as a squad leader and company commander at Leningrad, in the Norwegian Legion. For his efforts in 44 (Karel) he was awarded the Iron Cross 1st class. At the end of the war, Kahrs was the leader of the Førerguard, Vidkun Quisling's bodyguard.
In the national fraud settlement, Kahrs was sentenced to 10 years' penal servitude. On 3 July 1947, he escaped, together with three others, from Espeland prison camp. He took the boat "Solbris" to Argentina, arriving on 23 July 1948, where he lived the rest of his life. Kahrs died in 1986.
Roy Rosland: Oberscharführer
Rosland served his military service in Garden in 1935. In the 1930s, Rosland was a member of the right-wing Norwegian National Socialist Workers' Party (NNSAP), where he met, among other things, the adventurer, National Socialist and later front fighter Per Imerslund. On behalf of the NNSAP, he signed a recommendation to the German authorities for the anti-Semite and writer Alf Maria Amble. Amble got a job at the foreign department of the German Propaganda Ministry. Rosland also served in NS Arbeidsjeneste. He was an early member of Hirden, and was a member of the Nasjonal Samling from 1933 to 1937 when he left the party after the dispute between Quisling and Hjort. He was an active member of the Akershushirden til Hjort and participated, among other things, in the Battle of Torvslaget at Gjøvik on 21 May 1936. Later he became a member of the Spanish Foreign Legion and fought under Franco in the Spanish Civil War.
In the first phase of the winter war, Rosland had to amputate several toes after frostbite in the field. As a front-line fighter on the Eastern Front, he served as oberscharführer in regiment Germania in the 5th SS-Panzer-Division "Wiking".
After th war
Rosland was sentenced to four years in prison in the national betrayal settlement. After completing his sentence, he established himself as a farmer in Vest-Bamble. Here, in the late 1970s, he erected a three-metre-high memorial for Norwegian front-line fighters and sisters who fell on the German side during the Second World War.
tisdag 19 mars 2024
söndag 17 mars 2024
Einar Syvertsen: Editor of NS Månedshefte (1941-1945)
In his youth, Syversten was involved in scouting and the youth movement. As a 22-year-old, he came to Gjøvik in 1918, where he made a living as an accountant. In 1928 he started selling paper and photographic equipment. In Mjøsbyen, Syvertsen was married to photographer Marie Haug (1887-1980).
Syvertsen was strongly anti-socialist and in the 1920s became a board member of the local Frisinnede Venstre. From 1924 to 1933, he was secretary of the Gjøvik Borgerparti, an electoral coalition for liberal liberals and conservatives. However, Syvertsen himself claimed that he reacted to the fact that the party members' self-interests were more important than the local community and the fatherland, and left the Citizens Party's general meeting in April 1933 in anger.
Nasjonal Samling
Later that year he joined an informally organized NS team in Gjøvik, and topped the party's list at the general election in 1933. When the party entered a list at the municipal election in 1934, he and three others from Nasjonal Samling entered the city council. At this time, Syvertsen became chairman of the party team in Gjøvik and, according to Willy Klevenberg and Bjørn Østring, among others, acted almost as a father figure for the young NS activists in the town. Østring was employed in Syvertsen's shop.
Syvertsen was a member of the National Socialist Council before the war and participated, among other things, in the much-discussed council meeting on 7 April 1940. When the Employment Service was established, in the autumn of 1940 he was encouraged to apply for a position there. The area of activity was the school department, where he received the rank of county manager. Syvertsen and his wife sold their businesses in Gjøvik and moved to Oslo. From 1941 to 1945 Syvertsen was editor of NS Månedshefte, where he also wrote a number of articles. The son Einar Haug Syvertsen was editor of the picture magazine Munin.
On 6 November 1948, Syvertsen was sentenced to two years' imprisonment for treason. Later he wrote a number of articles in which he tried to present a different view than the established one on the history of the occupation. He died in 1973.
Hans S. Jacobsen: Founder and Editor of the National Socialist journal Ragnarok
(February 10, 1901 - November 19, 1980)
Jacobsen was trained as a social economist and was a research fellow at the Institut für Weltwissenschaft und Seeverkehr at the University of Kiel in the period 1922–1925. In the period 1925–1927 he was a scholar in the USA.
Back in Germany in 1927, he became acquainted with Norwegian students, such as the jurist Albert Wiesener and the later social scientist Arvid Brodersen. These acquaintances made Jacobsen orientate himself in the direction of pan-Germanism. Brodersen in particular gave Jacobsen the intellectual basis for his racial thinking. During his time in Germany, he experienced the suffering and distress after the Treaty of Versailles close to his life, and tied him emotionally strongly to Germany.
He began his stay in the USA by working in the Ford factory in Detroit, where he got to experience the perspective of the workers from below. These experiences made him a sharp critic of unfettered liberal capitalism.
In the period leading up to the war, he worked as a ship broker and journalist. Among other things, he founded and edited the National Socialist journal Ragnarok.
National Socialist involvement in the pre-war period
In Norway, Jacobsen early became a prominent figure in the left-wing Quisling-critical National Socialist milieu, where emphasis was placed on the last link in National Socialism, with community solutions, planned economy, high tax pressure for high incomes, publicly owned institutions and social systems. This was necessary to get society out of the social distress that private capital's greed and politicians had gotten society into. This environment was not internationally oriented, the solutions had to be found on a national level, but Jacobsen, like so many in this environment, was also strong characterized by pan-Germanic and Völkisch thinking.
Through the journal Ragnarok, Jacobsen measured much of this criticism and released it to many others in the environment, including Stein Barth-Heyerdahl, Per Imerslund, Geirr Tveitt, Tor Strand, Otto Sverdrup Engelschiøn, Albert Wiesener and eventually also Walter Fyrst. Jacobsen was strongly skeptical of the leadership principle, as power should go from the bottom up, from the campaigners who were constantly hardened in battle, and to leaders who are also actively participating in the battle and know it. Only in this way would the leaders have legitimacy.
The Ragnarok Circle and the SS
Jacobsen voiced his concern in a conversation with Heinrich Himmler during the annual conference of the Nordische Gesellschaft in 1937. When it gradually dawned on the Norwegians that Hauer and his neo-pagans could no longer function as an efficient ally, their focus gravitated more towards Himmler and his organization, especially after the German occupation of Norway.
In the summer of 1940 Jacobsen traveled to Germany on behalf of the Ragnarok Circle and other prominent pro-German, anti-Quisling Norwegians who had received disturbing reports indicating that Hitler had decided to opt for a government led by Quisling. In Berlin he was received by Heinrich Himmler himself. Himmler was no supporter of Quisling, but was compelled to inform Jacobsen that Hitler's decision was final. However, later that year he wrote to Jacobsen, assuring him the Ragnarok Circle would soon be given the opportunity to fight for their ideas within the framework of the ss, since it had been decided to establish a local equivalent to the Allgemeine-SS in Norway – Norges SS, later renamed Germanske SS Norge (GSSN).
According to Jacobsen's view, the ss was an exponent of 'aristocratic socialism', and drew together the supreme elite of committed idealists within the Germanic countries. It 'struggled for full equality and against any degrading or suppression of the racially kindred Norwegian people', as he puts it. Consequently, the GSSN, and the SS in general, seemed to strive for exactly the same goals as the Ragnarok Circle, and could therefore in the latter's view be of use in their oppositional struggle against Quisling and Terboven. It is thus no wonder that they grabbed at the sacrifice made by Himmler. Jacobsen became editor of Germaneren, the house organ of the gssn, and Per Imerslund became one of its most prominent contributors.
Nasjonal Samling
When Norway was occupied by Germany in 1940, Jacobsen, like a number of others in his circle who had previously been members, rejoined the Nasjonal Samling. He continued to publish the NS-critical Ragnarok and was also linked to the Germanic SS Norway, which also distinguished itself as a National Socialist and pan-Germanic to Nasjonal Samling.
After the war
Storting representative Sverre Løberg called Jacobsen a falsifier of history and Jacobsen responded with a libel lawsuit. The case went before the Oslo City Court in 1969 and had the appearance of being a rematch of the court settlement after the war. Løberg won the case, eventually also in the Supreme Court. In 1970, he complained about the case to the Council of Europe. He died in Oslo in 1980.
Per Imerslund: Oberscharführer, Revolutionary National Socialist and Front Soldier during WWII
Imerslund belonged to the left wing of the Norwegian National Socialists, linked to the Ragnarok group and strongly influenced by the so-called Völkisch movement in Germany. in this thinking, clan thinking and ethnic purity were central concepts. The movement perceived history as an eternal battle between ethnic groups and this battle had to be won if the Nordic people were not to perish. They saw Jews, Freemasons, Catholics and Communists as forces that destroyed the Germans and therefore proclaimed battle against them. Their rejection of Christianity led in Norway to them turning to the Norse gods. Per Imerslund was therefore characterized as a revolutionary National Socialist, among other things in the biography The Aryan Idol. Before and during the war, Imerslund was a strong Quisling opponent.
Germany
His father Thorleif was originally from Elverum and his mother Maria from Kristiania. The father was by this time a successful businessman. He ran the business Imerslund & Co, which still exists as a music business. Thorleif's father had contributed financially to the establishment. He eventually wanted to establish himself in Germany, which he saw as the land of opportunity, and even before the First World War he was on business trips to the Empire. establishments. But in March 1920, while they still had money, the family - Per had had his sister Eva in 1914 - moved to Germany, and his son Per experienced the hardship and misery in the wake of the lost war. This stood in contrast to the material security he himself experienced.
In 1923, his father went bankrupt. The marriage continued mainly as a pro forma marriage where both spouses took on casual male lovers without making any effort to hide this. Per ended up at the Königliche Paul-Gerhardt-Schule in Lübben in the Spreewald southeast of Berlin, a private school with Prussian discipline. The family borrowed an estate from a former colleague of the father, where they lived until 1926. Per moved after a year to a boarding school in Lübben.
The young Imerslund had problems conforming to the school's discipline requirements. But here he got his first introductions to Völkisch thinking and he eventually distinguished himself with his sporting skills and outdoor life. But his shyness and insecurity made close friendships difficult. The summer holidays were spent in Norway, and he especially thrived in his grandfather's house in Elverum. When he and Eva returned from a trip to Norway in the autumn of 1926, they were told that they were to move to Mexico.
The stay in Mexico 1927-1928
The young Imerslund here began a sexual relationship with the thirteen-year-old tutor, the German Hans-Dietrich Disselhoff, and it was an additional burden for him when he knew that Disselhoff also had a sexual relationship with his mother. He rightly assumed that Disselhoff also had a relationship with his father.
Disselhoff had international experience and National Socialist roots. He had fought in the Freikorps Löwenfeld, one of the Freikorps of former soldiers of the German Imperial Navy.
Street battles with the SA in Berlin 1932–1933
Imerslund now returned to Berlin, where he was encouraged to tell about these through a newspaper article, and this forms the basis for the novel Hestene staad salet.
But he oriented himself more towards political activism and identified with the National Socialists. He allowed himself to be recruited into the actionist SA departments and lived for periods at homes for SA troops and hung out in so-called Sturm premises for SA men.
The SA wing represented the revolutionary, worker-oriented, anti-capitalist thinking within German National Socialism. There was widespread skepticism towards Hitler and other central National Socialists because of their contacts in big capital, among the industrial lords and the old power structures. His environment and thinking were characterized by anarchist disdain for politicians. revolutionary, worker-oriented, anti-capitalist thinking Thus the National Socialist takeover of power in 1933 did not become the fundamental social change the SA milieu wanted. (The showdown between the wings of the NSDAP came to a final climax when the SA wing was eliminated during the so-called "Night of the Long Knives" on 30 June 1934, when, among other things, the SA leader Ernst Röhm was murdered.
Norway 1934–1937
He returned to Oslo in the spring of 1934 and joined Eugen Nielsen's Norwegian National Socialist Workers' Party (NNSAP) with, among others, his old friend Stein Barth-Heyerdahl. The party had absorbed parts of the left-wing Völkisch thinking he knew from Germany, where Judea (i.e. Jews, Communists and Freemasons; Rome (Catholics, Jesuits and Christians in general) and Tibet (theosophists, anthroposophists and other Eastern-inspired thoughts) were the forces that had to be fought if Germanic man was not to perish.
Party days in Nuremberg 1935
Imerslund went to Germany and visited the massive party days of the NSDAP in Nuremberg 10-16. September 1935. The theme for this National Party Day was National Party Day for Freedom and the new German racial laws were introduced here. During these party days, Imerslund met many international like-minded people, including representatives of the British Union of Fascists, the Italian fascist movement and the Finnish Fatherland movement. But in particular the founder of the Romanian Iron Guard, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, made a strong impression.
Here he also met Hans S. Jacobsen, a Norwegian social economist and shipbroker who became an important ideological factor for him. Jacobsen published the magazine Ragnarok, and both the magazine and Jacobsen as a person became a mouthpiece and rallying point for this group.
National Socialist Left Opposition
The circle with Per Imerslund consisted, among others, of Stein Barth-Heyerdahl, Hans S. Jacobsen, Geirr Tveitt, Tor Strand and Otto Sverdrup Engelschiøn and Albert Wiesener. This was in strong opposition to Quisling and Nasjonal Samling, which they saw as a spineless, watered-down version of a national plan that was far too influenced by Christian thought. Just that they used, for example, the priest and freemason Kjeld Stub as one of their most used speakers was disqualifying in itself. In this sense, the mini-party Nasjonal Samling was more or less like the other parties and did not represent any real alternative.
Imerslund and his friends put so much emphasis on the last part of their National Socialism. Here, community solutions, planned economy, often high tax pressure, publicly owned institutions and social systems were important to get society out of the social distress that the greed of private capital and spineless politicians had gotten the country into. This thinking was strongly skeptical of the whole driving principle, when power should go from the bottom up, from the campaigners who were constantly hardened in battle and to leaders who are also actively participating in the battle and knew it. Only in this way could the leaders gain legitimacy. And the fight was against the aforementioned destructive forces and this socialism was thus national and neo-pagan and not part of an international ideology.
The distance to Quisling and his distant, quasi-Christian, abstract thinking was therefore very great and was considered by this group to be completely without perspective. The contempt for Quisling and NS became even more evident during the occupation when this circle also saw Quisling as an errand boy for the German occupiers who, in the group's opinion, had nothing to do here. The execution of Gunnar Eilifsen was perceived as the obvious revelation of the regime.
Labor service 1936
Imerslund was a distinctly action-oriented activist, and did not thrive with talking polemicists. Politics was to act, and Norway as a country was to be built. He therefore became one of the driving forces behind the Labor Service, organized primarily by Imerslund, Tor Strand and advertising and film man Walter Fyrst. The purpose was not primarily to remedy unemployment, but idealistically: to promote a spirit of service for the nation among young people. This Employment Service was inspired by the German National Employment Service and formed a prelude to the compulsory NS Arbeidstjeneste (AT) which the National Socialists later introduced during the German occupation. The employment service had to literally clear new ground for new small farms. They broke up stumps, drained, removed stone and built a road, heavy physical work in and with the Norwegian nature. With morning revelje at 06.00, political reading aloud before breakfast, hard work and strict discipline, the hopefuls were to be hardened. Political opponents tried to ridicule the measure, pointing out that the cultivation of toil and masculine power had clear homoerotic undertones.
The first work camp under the auspices of the Employment Service was in Stor-Elvdal in the summer of 1936. Imerslund had very successfully led and organized the recruitment from central Norway and threw himself into the practical tasks with great energy. But he was often knocked out by bouts of malaria, with accompanying high fever and poor general condition. Equally, he was a central figure in the work service, admired as a prophet by the others based on his colorful background and his entire physical appearance.
But Imerslund and the Quisling-critical wing had only limited success in distancing this measure from the Nasjonal Samling. They stood behind Johan B. Hjort's oppositional line within NS, and greatly appreciated Hjort's visit to the camp in Stor-Elvdal. This was the first time Imerlund met Hjort. The labor service was not politically neutral with its idealization of the farmer and contempt for politicians, distant theorists and townspeople who were parasites, including many within NS. The colors of the labor service were red and black: blood and earth; race and nature merged.
At this time, Imerslund had published Das Land Noruega in Germany, and worked on the Norwegian translation Horses stand saddle to Gyldendal. At the same time as he had drama series on NRK, it was clear that it was in the Labor Service practical action that he felt at home, more than as an author and writer.
The Spanish Civil War 1937
For the action-oriented Imerslund, the Spanish Civil War was an arena for political action. In addition, he was to write articles for the newspaper Tidens Tegn and delivered a number of articles. But his war effort in the spring of 1937 was never easy or glamorous. Already on his way to Spain, passing through Portugal, he was arrested as a suspicious foreigner and had to spend a day in a very overcrowded, miserable cell. He got help from the Norwegian consulate and got on.
When he finally arrived in Spain it was difficult to find a suitable fighting unit. After all, he had no formal military background and the Spanish Foreign Legion were pure suicide squads. After much back and forth, he ended up in the Falangist militia. When he finally got to the front, they were lying on some scorched heights on the Cordoba front, exchanging fire with the socialists a few hundred meters away. They had little water and food, it was very hot and Imerslund was sick with malaria. In addition, he had to confess in a letter to his friend Disselhoff that he experienced instead the meaninglessness of the war. This also came out in his sometimes very good articles from this time. Disappointed, Imerslund also had to note that the clock was turning back in Spain after Francisco Franco's victory and that it was not a new, radical, revolutionary Spain that won.
But Imerslund also felt matured and strengthened by the fact that he had been in combat and in mortal danger at the front. Weakened by malaria, he was withdrawn from combat and returned to Oslo that summer.
Norway, marriage, Mexico 1937–1940
In the years leading up to the outbreak of the Second World War, he was busy with many of the previous activities, summer service, writing and the usual, perhaps a little restless, travel for the rest of the year. He visited both Germany, Sweden and Mexico. In Germany, in 1937 he participated in the annual seminar for Nordic writers in Travemünde, among others together with Mikkjel Fønhus whom Imerslund had suggested as a participant. It was not uncontroversial in Norway to participate in such events in Germany.
After the split of Nasjonal Samling in 1936, the circle around Ragnarok also received an influx of new, disappointing former NS members, led by Johan B. Hjort. When Walter Fürst arranged a meeting room in the center of Oslo for right-wing radical Nasjonal Samling opponents, Imerslund also got a more permanent place of residence in the city. Much of the political energy was spent conspiring against the Nasjonal Samling and trying to establish an alternative.
Imerslund always attracted great attention among women, who quickly flocked to him. His apparently cool distance and interest, and the lack of gossipy stories surrounding this great man seem to have led to an even greater interest. Mysterious, beautiful, and full of exotic experiences, but also neat and tidy. He himself probably perceived his lack of interest as a problem, especially when his friends constantly pointed out his great potential. But when his friend Hans-Dietrich Disselhoff, with whom he had always been in correspondence, married in 1936 and a little later had a daughter, he realized that he should follow his friend's example. Per accepted the general condemnation of homosexuality in his environment and wanted to fight it. He himself believed that his homosexuality had been inflicted on him through Disselhoff's seduction.
Imerslund therefore married Liv Asserson, the sister of a Norwegian opera singer in Germany, with whom he first began a relationship, on 26 March 1938 in a neo-pagan ceremony. But he allegedly fell head over heels for his 21-year-old sister Liv when he met her. Imerslund himself was 26 years old. Presumably the older sister had seen through him and he sought comfort in the nearest place he could find. The practical and down-to-earth Life probably suited Per better than the artistic opera singer. The Byllups trip was a round trip to, among other places, Denmark, Spain and Mexico. There is reason to believe that Liv here became aware that she was part of the man's heterosexualization project, but she chose to stay with him as long as he lived. They later had two children together. The youngest was born after his father's death.
But when war breaks out, and especially the winter war between the Soviet Union and Finland, Imerslund is ready for new efforts.
The Second World War
The environment around Imerslund reacted very negatively to Hitler and Stalin's friendship pact and the blitzkrieg against Poland seven days later. Such an attack on another nation was for them a violation of National Socialism's basic idea of individual people's self-determination. A National Socialist country is by definition not imperialist, according to their thinking. Such expansionism was carried out by the fascists, which in this group's opinion was the last convulsion of the bourgeoisie. Both of these events were perceived as cynical great power politics. The friendship pact also meant a farewell to the racial solidarity attitudes. It got worse when it dawned on everyone that the friendship pact was also a green light for the Soviet Union to attack Finland.
The winter war between Finland and the Soviet Union became a calling for the actionist Imerslund. This was David's fight against Goliath, and of course he was on David's side. The Finns' initial successes reinforced this perception. His environment experienced in this matter that here they were in line with the majority of both Norwegian and international society. Over the winter, the environment noted somewhat indignantly that it had clearly been easier to mobilize for war efforts for the Bolsheviks in Spain than against them in Finland. When he signed up for military service, he was immediately followed by others from the environment. They would be no worse than Imerslund, who had now become an idol and a myth in the community.
On 23 February 1940 he traveled to Finland. On his departure, Walter Fürst gives him a lark of soil from the Norwegian Labor Service's new quarry field. As the Romanian Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, he should have the soil of his fatherland close to his heart.
In order to relieve the Finnish forces that were heavily pressed on the Karelian peninsula, the regular Finnish forces at Salla in northern Finland were to be pulled south and replaced by the volunteer, international forces. After freezing training in the northern Finnish city of Kemi, with temperatures down to minus 40, they were sent to the front in March. But by the time they arrived, the war was over. Disappointed and bitter about Finland's humiliating armistice agreement and without having made any effort himself, he and the others had to go home. On 1 April, Imerslund was dismissed and returned home on 4 April, five days before the German invasion.
With the Waffen-SS at war
The unemployed Imerslund allowed himself to be persuaded to join a management course in the Labor Service in the winter of 1940–41, but did not find himself comfortable in what he perceived as an underuse of the Nasjonal Samling. Vidkun Quisling's appeal in January 1941 to register for war service made no impression, rather Imerslund and his circle were very skeptical of German imperialism.
But with Operation Barbarossa, the cards were dealt again. Germany's friendship with the Soviet Union was over and Norway was also called to fight against the Bolsheviks in the east. Imerslund reported for service immediately under the promise to fight under the Norwegian flag and command against communism and in solidarity with Finland during the Finnish Continuation War. After being bombed by Soviet aircraft, Finnish forces crossed the border on 25 June in Karelia to retake the areas Finland had lost after the Winter War.
Together with an estimated 1,000 other Norwegians, he was sent to Operation Barbarossa and served in the Waffen-SS, 5th SS-Panzer-Division "Wiking" as part of Army Group South in Ukraine, all the way to Dnepropetrovsk. Imerslund served as a regular private, although with his background he could have received a more qualified service.
The difficult conditions on the Eastern Front led to his being hospitalized in Wrocław with dysentery after four months of service in October 1941. Imerslund later published very little about his experiences during this time.
At this time he also learned that Liv was pregnant. The son Ole was born in December 1941, while he himself was in hospital. He was on sick leave for three months after the campaign in Ukraine. Everything suggests that Imerslund was psychologically damaged after the horrors at the front in Ukraine. After being released from the hospital in Breslau, his skepticism and contempt for the German warfare was even greater. He was happy when influential acquaintances got him transferred to serve in Finland, where he had always wanted to go. Imerslund was primarily at the front in Salla in North Karelia as a Kriegsberichter with the rank of oberscharführer, which meant that as a soldier he also had to write articles for the SS magazine Das Schwarze Korps. Here, Imerslund covered the Finnish sabotage activities behind the Russian lines.
On one such mission he was hit in the shoulder by a Russian dumdum shot, i.e. bullets that expand and tear open when they hit the body. His shoulder and upper arm were badly injured and he was admitted to the field hospital in Kemi in the middle of the Gulf of Bothnia, where he had been two years earlier. The doctor wanted to amputate his left arm, but he refused them to do this. Imerslund was awarded the Iron Cross, second class, for bravery in the field, and was told that he could expect promotion. Severely injured, he traveled home to Norway and was admitted to Aker Hospital. He arrived here in May 1942, greatly weakened by his injuries and a high fever. But the Austrian surgeon was able to patch him up, although he had to endure great pain and walk with a brace that kept his upper arm in a horizontal position from the shoulder for 15 months.
War traumatized and fight against Quisling
In addition to all the friends who came to visit Imerslund sick, Minister of Justice Sverre Riisnæs visited him and apologized for his role as prosecutor in the Trotsky case. Riisnæs was known as one of the front fighters' best friends, and despite his position, he shared Imerslund's and his circle's skepticism towards Vidkun Quisling and Nasjonal Samling. Riisnæs's work to establish the pan-Germanic Germanske-SS Norge can be seen as a measure to acquire a position based on environments to which Imerslund belonged. This was also an organization that Imerslund and several of his friends joined, until it too was taken over by Nasjonal Samling and partly militarized by Jonas Lie beyond 1942 and affected by the Eilifsen case.
While he was in hospital, Imerslund resumed his life as a writer. He wrote about parts of his frontline experiences and what it was like to come home. But it proved difficult to get this published, as the press was controlled by what Per and his entourage called "Homesitters". But in the Germanic SS Norway's organ Germaneren, Imerslund let go.
Germaneren, together with Ragnarok, became the most important mouthpieces for the Quisling- and NS-critical wing of Norwegian National Socialism. Here, Imerslund published, among other things, in the article "Saboteurs i egne rekker" a very strong attack on what he calls "the artificial Jews", i.e. the Freemasons in the Nasjonal Samling. decent National Socialists”.
At this time, Imerslund was strongly influenced by war experiences and what he experienced as a betrayal from many sides. He stuck to his old friends and other former front-line fighters. After being discharged from Aker hospital, he was transferred to the Ragnar Berg Convalescent Home at Voksenkollen for convalescence. Beyond the autumn of 1942, he continued his writing activities from here with constant new attacks against the establishment and an idyllization of the Norwegian farmer.
The same autumn, he and Liv bought a farm near Haglebu in Eggedal with money borrowed from Liv's mother. However, Imerslund was mostly there on short and hectic visits. He got a room in Grav gård in Bærum, which was owned by one of his friends. Here, at the request of Hans S. Jacobsen, he edited a collection of articles. A number of other articles he wrote at this time are strongly marked by the fact that he was traumatized by war and possibly suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder. But in his own environment he was increasingly perceived as a visionary seer, and became the object of a certain cult of personality.
Plan to kidnap Quisling
Imerslund and his environment were shocked by the Eilifsen case, where police deputy Gunnar Eilifsen was executed on 16 August 1943 after standing behind five of his subordinates who had refused to arrest three young girls who did not report to the Labor Service. The environment perceived Quisling as an errand boy for Josef Terboven. Imerslund invited his friends to the storehouse on the farm in Eggedal and at the turn of September/October there was a conspiracy about an action against Vidkun Quisling. The plan was to kidnap him from the "leader's residence" Gimle on Bygdøy. The group had been made aware that there was a rather inadequate guard. This was to come after a period of sabotage and guerrilla activity by resistance cells with former front-line fighters and other trusted National Socialists against an increasingly demoralized occupying power as the war went from bad to worse. The removal of Quisling was to be the signal to all groups of the open armed final showdown. The aim was to create a state ruled from the bottom up by people hardened by the struggle, in accordance with SA thinking.
With Imerslund as the instigator, the circle planned to join the resistance movement. As a National Socialist county commissioner in Østfold, Hans S. Jacobsen had first-hand experience of how the regime worked, including what he perceived as corrupt, self-enriching elements. The main targets were Vidkun Quisling himself, the high degree Freemason and Minister of Finance Frederik Prytz and Minister of Culture and Secretary General Rolf Jørgen Fuglesang. They were all seen as having enriched themselves the most by being in power, while the front fighters were let down both morally and materially.
Imerslund also had contacts within the resistance movement. In particular, these were those who before the war had been involved in the earliest phases of the labor service, the Nasjonal Samling and the Trotsky action, and who had become resistance fighters after the events of the autumn of 1940. Furthermore, several sources have claimed that since the autumn of 1940, Imerslund played a double game by notifying resistance fighters in danger, including Otto Engelschiøn, as well as supplying Norwegian intelligence with information about the German presence in Norway. Imerslund despised what he perceived as German arrogance even more after the war experiences and German abuses also against Norway. He gave his Iron Cross to his dog.
Death
At the end of October, Imerslund went to the city, but it was unclear on what errands. It is also not known what he actually did, but it is claimed that he met former frontline fighters in Oslo, Hamar, Lillehammer, Gjøvik, Moss, Porsgrunn, Grimstad and other places. On 4 December, he slipped on ice on the stairs of the then Eastern Railway Station in Oslo and fell on his injured left shoulder. He was again admitted to Aker hospital and treated by the same doctor as last time. The fracture in the upper arm was opened, the wound became infected and Imerslund's malaria-infected body had too poor an immune system to cope with this. Once again, he allegedly refused amputation. Liv was notified, but was pregnant again and could no longer bear "to witness his suffering".
With the malaria parasites in his body, the infection turned into blood poisoning, and the 31-year-old Per Imerslund died in Aker hospital on 7 December 1943.
Despite the fact that the central circles in Nasjonal Samling wanted to pass over Imerslund's death in silence, Minister of Justice Sverre Riisnæs attended the funeral in Vestre gravlund new crematorium.
Ragnarok came in space Christmas with a special issue dedicated to Imerslund, where all the friends had their tribute items. Furthermore, his death was given great attention in the Germaneren and Das Schwarze Korps. In addition, a number of soldiers had given references to the SS field post.
Reliable sources claim that Per Imerslund continued to connect frustrated front-line fighters with the resistance movement, even on his deathbed.
Eiliv Odde Hauge: Member of the working committee of Norsk Folkereisning and the head of the Norwegian Government Film Unit
Hans Fredrik Dahl writes that Egeberg and his milieu were a competitor to Quisling and that it was Walter Fyrst (Fürst) who encouraged Quisling. Egeberg and Hauge had been involved in Norsk Folkereisning (established 1931), which was organizationally independent of, but ideologically related to, Vidkun Quisling's fascist Nordic Folkereisning. Hauge was a member of the working committee of Norsk Folkereisning, a small short-lived association with anti-Semitic and racist ideas inspired by National Socialism in Germany.
World War II
During World War II, Hauge had turned to join the Norwegian resistance movement by the time of the German invasion of Norway. On 30 May 1940 he helped organise and took part in the expedition from Ålesund of the motorboat Nyo that reached Baltasound, Shetland.
As a lieutenant in the exiled Norwegian Army, he headed the Norwegian Government Film Unit during the war, and after the war the Supreme Headquarters' Psychological Warfare Division, which distributed wartime films.
Hauge wrote several books about the Norwegian war effort, most notably Flukten fra Dakar (J. W. Eides Forlag; 1951). He also wrote the script for the film developed from the book and which was directed by Titus Vibe-Müller (1912–1986).
Hauge was director of the Valdres Folkemuseum from 1959 to 1964. He died in 1971 and was buried in Øystre Slidre in Oppland.
The Ragnarok Circle
From 1935 to 1945, Ragnarok was the most radical national socialist publication in Norway. The Ragnarok Circle regarded themselves as representatives of a genuine National Socialism, deeply rooted in Norwegian soil and intrinsically connected to specific virtues inherent in the ancient Norse race. This combination of Germanic racialism, neo-paganism, and the cult of the ‘Norwegian tribe’, led them to criticize not only all half-hearted imitators of National Socialism within Quisling’s Nasjonal Samling, but also Hitler’s Germany when its politics were deemed to be in violation of National Socialist principles.
In Germany they sought ideological allies within the Deutsche Glaubensbewegung before the war, and the ss during the war. But their peculiar version of National Socialism eventually led to open conflict with National Socialist Germany, first during the Finnish Winter War and then in 1943, when several members of the Ragnarok Circle planned active resistance to Quisling and the German occupation regime.
Founder
Stein Barth-Heyerdahl: Lecturer in Norse Culture and Language at the Nordisches Institut in Greifswald and Editor of Nasjonalsocialisten
At home in Sandnessjøen, Barth-Heyerdahl was a scout leader, and as a young man he became chairman of the local Fedreland team. At the age of fifteen, he was sent to Hamar to attend the national high school. There he became an ardent supporter of the Winsnese racial ideology. In Hamar, he also became friends with the young Per Imerslund. He took his master's degree in 1930.
National Socialism
Around 1930, Barth-Heyerdahl moved to Oslo to study law. There were few studies, all the more café life and politics. The combative and talkative northerner quickly became a central figure in the environment around Eugen Nielsen and a regular writer in his mouthpiece Fronten. Already at this time he was a convinced neo-pagan and anti-Christian, and in 1933 he resigned from the state church.
Barth-Heyerdahl became an early member of NNSAP. Here he proved to be a more talented speaker and agitator than the party's leader, Adolf "Lille-Adolf" Egeberg jr. Among them, he was one of the figures who led the crowd in the so-called Forum battle in the center of Oslo, when 200 young Norwegian National Socialists barked together with communists in the student community, before marching down to the Storting with shrill cries of "Hail". Barth-Heyerdahl made several impromptu and successful appeals to the crowd, proclaiming that it would not be the last time the Oslo SA (Sturmabteilung) marched.
Invited by Adolf Egeberg jr. On 9 May 1933, he attended the founding meeting of the Nasjonal Samling. Barth-Heyerdahl was one of three who co-authored the first draft of the party's programme. But Barth-Heyerdal's radical anti-Christian and race-oriented attitudes led from the outset to conflict with Quisling, and in the autumn of 1934 he resigned from NS. From 1934 to 1936, he concentrated his political involvement on NNSAP, and then especially the editor's job in the party organ Nasjonalsocialisten.
From 1934-35 he worked as a lecturer in Norse culture and language at the Nordisches Institut in Greifswald, an institute which since the 1920s had been characterized by völkische racial ideologies.
In the winter and spring of 1934-35, Barth-Heyerdahl took part in the meetings that led to the establishment of the journal Ragnarok. After his return from Germany in the autumn of 1935, he wrote diligently in the journal, in which he attacked the Jews and the spiritual decline of the times by the intellectualists who "do not understand the spiritual core of National Socialism".
When the internal conflicts in NS culminated after the 1936 election, Barth-Heyerdahl eagerly participated in the Ragnarok circle's intrigues against the party leadership. Among other things, he supplemented Eugen Nielsen with information about the conflict, and he was behind the Front's call to disillusioned NS members to establish an independent network of national groups.
When this never came to fruition, Barth-Heyerdahl focused his energy on the Voluntary Workers' Service, where he was a member of the national board from the start.
World War II
At the outbreak of war in Norway, Barth-Heyerdahl was on a literary lecture tour in Germany. He immediately traveled to Berlin, and when Quisling's coup d'état was a fact, he contacted his old German connections to warn against NS, Quisling and the Freemasons.
Until 1943, he stayed mostly in Germany, where he primarily carried out journalistic work. He contributed diligently to the magazine Ragnarok, became a regular supplier to the Norwegian-language propaganda magazine Utsyn and in 1943, editor of the magazine. In 1941, he bit the sour apple and joined NS. The following year, he was appointed press manager at the party's German department.
Barth-Heyerdahl translated Wulff Sørensen's controversial book Forfedrenes Stemme, which was published by Hans S. Jacobsen's publisher Kamban, caused a great stir and contributed to the conflict between the church and NS.
Barth-Heyerdahl was deeply affected by the unexpected death of his comrade Per Imerslund. In the last years of the war, he isolated himself in a cabin on Imerslund's widow's property in Eggedal, where he immersed himself in religious speculation, Norse studies, poetry and art painting. Barth-Heyerdahl produced a number of paintings, including romantic nature pictures with motifs from the Nordland of his childhood.
After the war
After the war, an investigation was launched. In 1948, the national treason case was dismissed, after the police doctor concluded that "the character deviations of the accused are so pronounced that one finds reason to harbor doubts about his state of mind".
For a period, Barth-Heyerdahl lived with friends, including Hans S. Jacobsen and Ernst A. Schirmer in Bygdøy, before he moved back to Eggedal in 1947 where he continued his hermit life and artistic activity until his death in 1972.
Eugen Nielsen: Anti-Masonic Consultant for the Sicherheitsdienst
In 1927, Nielsen was a board member of Karl Meyer's fascist party Den Nationale Legion, where he met the writer-philosopher Erling Winsnes, who lent him the book Freemasonry's revelation of the German general Erich Ludendorff. The book's main thesis was that the Masonic movement's apparently respectable and Christian facade hid a demonic Jewish brotherhood with plans for complete world domination. Furthermore, the book revealed the eternal conflict between the "Germans" and "Semites", a battle that had to be won if the Nordic people were to survive.
The anti-publisher
In 1928, Nielsen started the publishing house "Antiforlaget A/S", to publish and distribute anti-Semitic and anti-Masonic literature, and thus became one of the first propagandists of National Socialism in Norway. The first book the publisher published was the Norwegian translation of Ludendorff's Freemasonry's revelation. In connection with the publication, Nielsen began a correspondence with the general that lasted until his death in 1937. Gradually, the impulses Nielsen received from the general's wife Mathilde Ludendorff's pseudoscientific political-religious philosophy became just as important. In the following years, Nielsen published several of the Ludendorff couple's books, and distributed German, Swedish and Danish National Socialist, anti-Semitic, anti-Masonic and anti-Catholic literature, including books by the leading German anti-Semite Theodor Fritsch and the NSDAP's "chief ideologist", Alfred Rosenberg.
NNSAP and Fronten
In the autumn of 1932, he founded the party Norway's National Socialist Workers' Party or NNSAP. From 1932 until he resigned from NNSAP in 1934, he published Fronten as the official party organ, with Adolf Egeberg jr. as an editor. Fronten was a loss-making enterprise, and Nielsen sponsored the publication with several thousand kroner annually. Here he published several of Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson's articles against Freemasonry and other movements. At the same time, Fronten gave Nielsen free rein to publish his own political thoughts, including in constant articles with anti-Semitic and anti-Masonic propaganda. Several harsh outcomes against the Nasjonal Samling (NS) were also published. The newspaper was first published every 14 days, later more sporadically, and the last issue was published on 1 September 1940.
Nielsen resigned from NNSAP after a few years in the party, following a conflict with the leadership over the desired party profile. Where the mostly younger party leadership saw their main task as the fight against Bolshevism, Nielsen's focus was to a far greater extent attacks on Jews and Freemasons. Furthermore, there was dissatisfaction with how Nielsen led the party more as his own business than as a political movement.
World War II
During the German occupation, Nielsen moved on the fringes of NS, without ever formally joining the party. He maintained contact with his old friends in the radical National Socialist wing, many of whom had found a political haven in German SS Norway, and he actively supported the pan-Germanic opposition in NS.
Nielsen was no supporter of the German occupation or Hitler. On the other hand, as a staunch opponent of Freemasonry, he assisted the German security police Sicherheitsdienst (SD) in Masonic matters from the summer of 1940 onwards. He claimed that the NS leadership was infected by Freemasons and warned the Germans against a number of Quisling's closest associates.
When the Norwegian Freemasonry was closed in 1940, Nielsen was tasked with managing its assets and prevented them from being sent to Germany. After liberation, two car loads of Masonic belongings were found in his home at Frogner. He was imprisoned and put in Akershus fortress on trial for treason.
After the war
During the legal purge in Norway after World War II he managed to get his case delayed until 1950, after first having been arrested between 13 May 1945 and 1946. He died in 1963, and left behind a sizeable collection of weapons. Parts of the collection was sold in 1993 at Christie's. Money was channeled to a foundation Arkitekt Eugen Nielsens Stiftelse, which among others supported Arnfinn Moland with 50,000 kr to write the strongly NS-critical book Over grensen? Hjemmefrontens likvidasjoner under okkupasjonen av Norge 1940–1945.
Adolf Egeberg jr: Correspondent for Nationen in Germany and the Leader of NNSAP (1930-1933)
National Socialism
Egeberg was the Nation's Germany correspondent in 1930 In the spring of 1932 he attended the Reichsführerschule in Munich, which was responsible for training leaders of the German guard force Sturmabteilung (SA). He then underwent a course in "worldview" at the driver's school of the Schutzstaffel (SS) in Berlin.
Back in Oslo, Egeberg appeared in what was perceived as an SS uniform, and called for the creation of a Norwegian Hitler movement.
Egeberg became the first chairman of NNSAP, a party financed by Eugen Nielsen. Inspired by the street battles between the SA, communists and other paramilitary groups in interwar Germany, NNSAP members made a name for themselves with violent attacks and confrontations in Oslo.
In 1933, he attended meetings organized by Walter Fürst within a framework called "The National Club", which was perceived by the Labor press as a fascist assembly. Here, Egeberg gave a lecture on National Socialism, among other things. On one occasion, he showed Fürst the proofreading of a magazine he edited, Fronten - the party newspaper of the NNSAP, and told about his plans to enter the party in the autumn elections. Fürst then urged Vidkun Quisling to speed up the plans for the establishment of a new national people's movement - Nasjonal Samling.
Through Fürst he came into contact with Quisling. With Johan B. Hjort, Stein Barth-Heyerdahl, Thor Schyberg and others, he was present during the foundation of NS.
Just a few days after the foundation, Egeberg became a propaganda worker in NS, paid privately by Fürst. He became party secretary in NS and was editor of the party's Rogaland publication Vestlandets Avis, which existed between 1934 and 1936. Among other things, he published several articles with strong attacks on Jews.
After the war
Egeberg testified during the national treason settlement after the war, took part in private interviews with writers and maintained contact with former National Socialists.
National Socialist Workers' Party of Norway
History
Ideologically modelled on the German NSDAP, and espousing a pan-Germanic current, many members of the party, and notably the founder and first leader Adolf Egeberg had organisational and personal ties to the NSDAP and the SS. Founded as a National Socialist "cell" in 1930, the party gained financing from Eugen Nielsen, publisher of Fronten, from 1932 until a schism in 1934 due to conflict over Nielsen's primarily anti-Masonic focus, with the party seeking to develop its national socialist ideology.
The party had around a thousand members at its height, but was quickly overshadowed by Nasjonal Samling (NS), which was founded by Vidkun Quisling in May 1933. Several of the party's original and early members, including Egeberg, as well as Egil Holst Torkildsen, Stein Barth-Heyerdahl and Eiliv Odde Hauge at some point left the party to join NS.
Leader
Politicians and activists
lördag 16 mars 2024
Speech in Oslo, January 14, 1941: With our banners comes victory!
My leader! Hirdmen!
Our leader encourages us to join the Waffen SS. Thus he calls us to active struggle against the world's enemy No. 1 - the English islanders.
We are grateful to our leader and the chief of the Hird. We will prove ourselves worthy fighters. We are fighting idealists. We more than anyone else love our people with all our hearts. We see that the great future of our fatherland is in the great Germanic confederation that is now being founded.
We will lead the way, shoulder to shoulder with our Germanic brothers in the Waffen SS. Regemente Nordland is named after its place in the great Germanic Union. Its banner shall wave before us, when the time of the destruction of the world's enemy is at hand. This regiment is the first real practical realization of the great Germanic thought, that as equal members of a great Germanic Union, we have again regained our honor in arms, and honor in arms is the concept, the real freedom of the people.
Our struggle and our efforts are voluntary, no power forces us to do it, but the belief that we are thereby laying the foundation for a new, free and Germanic Norway brings with it a great inner obligation, and we want to prove ourselves worthy of that honor.
Hirdmen! The time has come. The slogan reads: Voluntary forward! With our banners comes victory!
Speech in NRK, January 16, 1941: The battle between Germany and England
Speech by Minister Albert Hagelin on the occasion of Vidkun Quisling's appeal to Norwegian youth to sign up for "Regiment Nordland".
Norwegian women and men!
Nasjonal Samling’s leader issued an appeal, encouraging all young Norwegians who shoulder responsibility for Norway’s future, to join the regiment “Nordland” as volunteers and to fight alongside German comrades for a just new order in Europe. It undoubtedly holds immense political significance for Norway. Quisling and Nasjonal Samling are deliberately and consistently pursuing the path that we have advocated for years as the only correct one.
Norway can pursue a policy that is firmly rooted in cooperation with other Germanic peoples, particularly Germany. We have always highlighted the Chancellor Hitler’s efforts to engage in dialogue and seek understanding with England. An attempt that the chancellor made again and again. If these attempts had succeeded and England had accepted Hitler's outstretched hand, then peace in Europe and in the whole world would have been secured for an endless time to come.
But England, or rather: the great international capitalist ruling clique within England, sought global dominance. They wanted to destroy Germany, which simply sought freedom and independence from England and international capitalism. For this reason, the great British capitalists declined to engage in understanding and friendship with Germany. They deliberately pursued a policy which must lead to war. In England, they disregarded the voices of those circles who were wise enough to oppose the war policy and desired to foster peace and friendship with Germany.
The Norwegian government and the Norwegian press seem to align with England's major capital interests and warmongers, rather than prioritizing Norway's own interests and fostering peace and understanding between the two great Germanic peoples, as we in Nasjonal Samling have done all these years.
It is tragic for us Norwegians to witness the struggle between the two largest Germanic peoples, fighting for their very existence. That Germany, having been thrust into war against their own will, now finds itself compelled to destroy England.
Many sensible individuals now frequently express the opinion that for Norway, it is immaterial which side emerges victorious in the war—whether it be Germany or England. However, this perspective is absoult crazy. Norway has the greatest interest in Germany winning the war. England, with its war against Germany, with its blockade of Norway, Denmark and the rest of the continent, has placed itself outside of Europe.
England's brutal despotism over the world's seas made it clear to Europe that Germany's fight is not least a fight for the freedom of the seas. As one of the world’s earliest seafaring nations, Norway has a vested interest in Germany’s victory in this struggle. Germany's struggle is also Norway's struggle.
For too long we have tolerated England treating Norwegian sailors as unfree men and Norwegian ships as private property.
Norwegian youth: Now happily take up the fight with weapons in hand for the freedom of Norway, for justice and peace in Europe.
Ørnulf Lundesgaard: County Mayor for Hedmark & Oppland and Head of the Chancellery of the Leader and the Prime Minister
During the national fraud settlement in 1947, Lundesgaard was sentenced to 7 years' forced labor and 10 years' loss of rights.
Olaf W. Fermann: Head of the NS Foreign Organization and SS-Fachführer in the Persönlicher Stab Reichsführer-SS
Fermann studied at Oslo commercial high school and graduated in 1910. He worked in the period 1916-1919 as a businessman in Russia and was for a time employed at the Norwegian consulate in St. Petersburg. He married the daughter of a German businessman in Russia and they had a son and a daughter, Ilsa Marquerite. During his stay in Russia, he led aid work for prisoners of war and received the Russian Red Cross' order of the 1st and 2nd class. During the revolution in Russia, he met Vidkun Quisling for the first time.
After a stay in Denmark, he came to Danzig in 1924 as an employee of Det Bergenske Dampskibsselskab, then became manager of an American transport company, and was stationed in Hamburg, Vienna, Zurich and Berlin, among others. He met Heinrich Himmler in 1927-1928 during a hunting party on landowner Werner Lorenz's estate Mariensee near Danzig. Lorenz was head of the SS in Danzig, and his sister, Erika Lorenz, was Himmler's private secretary. Lorenz eventually moved to Berlin where Fermann met Himmler on several occasions. Himmler's trust in Fermann was related to their mutual friendship with the Lorenz family and interest in Nordic-Germanic tradition and the past.
In 1933 he became a member of Nasjonal Samling, as one of its first members. Fermann was a wealthy man at this time and was among Quisling's and NS's strongest financial supporters. In the 1930s, he built up a significant industrial and trading business in Germany. Among other things, Fermann owned a factory in Burg in what later became East Germany.
Commercial activities
In 1940, Fermann was living in Germany, but he had long been planning to establish a company for coal imports. This was to be done in collaboration with Deutsches Kohlendepot. Sjursøya Kull og Koks A/S was bought and land on Sjursøya leased by the Swedish Port Authority. As early as 25 April 1940, he traveled to Berlin for a meeting with Ministerial Director Dr. Sarnow in the German Ministry of Trade, and here laid the foundations for close economic cooperation with the German authorities. In the early summer of 1940, he moved with his family from Germany to Norway and in 1941 entered into an agreement with the German Armee-Oberkommando on the import and delivery of all cement from Germany to Norway for the construction of Festung Norwegen. To implement this, Fermann took the initiative to collaborate with the Bergen businessman Thomas S. Falck, director of Det Bergenske Dampskibsselskab. In 1942 he also joined the board of the German Chamber of Commerce.
Political commitment
In the autumn of 1940, Fermann became head of the Nasjonal Samling's foreign organization. Furthermore, he led the Frontkjemperkontoret from March 1942 until the end of the year. The office recruited soldiers for the SS and helped with the reassimilation of front-line fighters after service on the Eastern Front.
Command Staff Reichführer SS
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| Heinrich Himmler & Olaf W. Fermann |
In the autumn of 1941, Fermann, then with the rank of SS-Untersturmführer, accompanied Himmler on a trip to Estonia, Poland and Ukraine. He was registered as an SS-Fachführer in the Persönlicher Stab Reichsführer SS, i.e. part of the Kommandostab Reichsführer SS (RFSS). Himmler had previously expressed a wish that Fermann should have a leading role in the colonization of the areas near Ljublin, where large agricultural areas would be made available to, among other things, Norwegian and Dutch farmers. Fermann stated in the trial after the war that he refused the offer and that he had a nervous breakdown after the discussion with Himmler. On or after his journey to the Eastern Front, he was awarded the German War Service Cross Second Class with sword.
According to Emberland/Kott, Fermann was an inveterate anti-Semite and probably had few qualms when it came to the murder of Jews. Back in Norway, he never wanted to talk about his experiences in Himmler's entourage.
In the autumn of 1942, a package ban was established for political prisoners in Germany and Norway. Fermann tried to get the package ban lifted, but he met with opposition from SD. He also got prisoners who were against Nasjonal Samling released through NSUO. (Nasjonal Samlings Utenriksorganisation which was led by Fermann) He also brought home people who had worked in Germany and were held back. When Germany was on the brink of collapse towards the end of the war, Terboven refused Norwegians who wanted to return both permission to leave Germany and entry to Norway. NSUO contacted all Norwegians they knew in Germany and asked them to go to Flensburg. Fermann provided cars. Terboven seized NSUO's funds. As so often, Fermann used his own money there. The border police at the German/Danish border received packages of food. In the last month of the war, 400 Norwegians were smuggled across the border.
Norwegian Red Cross
From 1943, Fermann was vice-president of the Norwegian section of the Red Cross and had the Ragnar Berg convalescent home established at Voksenkollen for injured Norwegian front-line fighters, where Per Imerslund, among others, stayed in 1942-1943.
During the war, Fermann lived with his family on the property Trollvasshytta at Lillevann in Oslo. He bought this in 1940 for NOK 120,000 from the joint-stock company AS Trollvasshytta and the Association of Municipal Officials.
The National Treason Settlement
After the war, Fermann was convicted in the Norwegian treason settlement. The prosecutor was Supreme Court lawyer Gunnar Meyer. Fermann was initially sentenced to 20 years' penal servitude and confiscation of assets. In the Court of Appeal, 75 witnesses were summoned and the trial was expected to take three weeks. The sentence was reduced to 9 years' imprisonment and large fines, but he was acquitted on the counts of treason and infidelity.
Aftenposten claimed that in the days of liberation in May 1945 he tried to redeem himself "for a bit of his national betrayal" by sending a check for eight million kroner to the Norwegian Red Cross. A peculiar letter accompanied the cheque, which "is now put in glass and frame", the newspaper said.
Fermann had the case related to his work in the Norwegian Red Cross reopened and was acquitted of this in the Eidsivating Court of Appeal on 26 August 1967. He died in 1975.
Erling E. Windingland Eliassen: Leader of the Hirden Air Force Corps (1943-1944)
Eliassen was sentenced to forced labor for 2 years and 6 months by judgment in Oslo City Court on 24 March 1947. He died in 1977.
Aslaug Bjørnson: Circuit Leader of the NS Women's Organization in Sør-Gudbrandsdal (1940-1941) and Editorial Secretary in NSK's Heim og ætt
Aslaug Bjørnson joined NS on 26 September 1940. Membership lasted until the end of the occupation in 1945. Aslaug Bjørnson was the circuit leader of the National Women's Organization (NSK) in Sør-Gudbrandsdal from 1940 until she traveled to Oslo in the summer of 1941.
From January 1 until the liberation, she was editorial secretary in NSK's organ "Heim og ætt" and also edited the women's pages in the journal "Norsk Arbeidsliv". In the newspaper Fritt Folk in October 30, 1940, Aslaug Bjørnson wrote, among other things, the propaganda article "Wake up" which glorified the Germans' attack on Norway on 9 April 1940. She concluded with a call to register in NS. In the summer of 1941, Aslaug Bjørnson traveled to Germany where she studied the German women's organization Reichsfrauenführung.
Aslaug Bjørnson was sentenced to 6 months' imprisonment on November 8, 1947.
Telegram to Adolf Hitler, September 1942
On the occasion of the Nasjonal Samling's 8th National Assembly, Prime Minister Vidkun Quisling sent the Führer the following telegram:
"From the 8th Riksmöte, the National Socialist movement in Norway salutes you, Führer, as the champion of all the Germanic peoples and as the one who saved Europe from perishing in Bolshevism. Increased efforts, thank you."
VIDKUN QUISLING
Speech in Oslo, September 1942: Germanic unity
Deputy regiment commander Bjørn Østring's speech at NSUF special meeting.
By Bjørn Østring.
Youth leaders! Comrades!
It is now over a year since I last stood together with leaders in the youth rally here in Oslo. In the 15 months that have passed since I left, I have proudly worn the field gray uniform, and together with many other Norwegian and Germanic youth leaders, I have fought against Bolshevism for the salvation of Europe and for our culture. It is with pleasure that today, as a representative of the front in the east, I bring you a greeting from the comrades out there. What I want to interpret today are the thoughts created by life in the bunker — by life in battle!
I have often asked myself in the past why the German soldier and the German people can display such bravery and display such an attitude as they do. As a soldier, I have had this question answered. For centuries, the German people have been fighting against their enemies in the east and in the west in order to exist at all. This struggle is what has created the German people. We have not had this battle in Norway for many hundreds of years, and we have come to believe that we are outside the area where world history is made. We have forgotten our heyday, we have forgotten to fight. We all know here how our Leader Vidkun Quisling in the years before 1940 tried in vain - to talk the people to reason, to create a strong army and a good defence.
Only a few National Socialists believed in his plans, and that a strong Norwegian nation should once again be created. But we have experienced disappointments many times and often despaired of the development.
Today, however, I come from the front to say to you youth leaders: I have never been so proud of the qualities of my Norwegian people as in these months in front of Leningrad. I have again found faith in the Norwegian people. I now know that the Norwegian youth can fight, that they can fight back, and that they can produce the bravest and best soldiers if they are brought up correctly. That is why I believe that the Norwegian people will never perish, that they have their great mission in Europe. It is up to us to decide what role we will play in the future. The greater our effort for victory, the greater honor we can take part in the day of reckoning. However, victory is not won with words in this hard time, but with weapons in hand. I therefore encourage the Norwegian youth to actively fight against Bolshevism. After this war, there must not be a youth leader who has not stood for a time as a soldier at the front.
I hope for the day when there are not only a few companies of Norwegians in the east, but divisions. I say this as a representative of my comrades at the front, according to the will of dead comrades, those comrades who risked their lives for Norway's future. I am speaking in particular at the request of my best friend and fellow young leader Per Wang, who died with a greeting to the Norwegian people and to his leader Vidkun Quisling on his lips. These dead comrades will oblige me to fight until the Norwegian people have risen again as a strong people in Europe. If all our National Socialist youth leaders carry the same commitment within them, victory is already assured.
I am happy to experience that the youth group has grown further this year, and that it is more determined to fight than ever. Our comrades at the front should also have this certainty, because then they would fight with even greater joy. Believe me comrades, it is not encouraging when as a soldier you have the feeling that the connection between the front and the work at home is not strong enough, and when you hear again and again from home about strife and gossip. The soldier must know that his sacrifice is recognised, and above all, that those at home prove worthy of his sacrifice. When you agree at home, and leave all personal wishes and personal goals aside, then you are doing the greatest deed for the soldier.
Another thing the war has given me. I have become an even stronger and more convinced National Socialist than before. To be a National Socialist is to be a nationalist and a socialist. As a nationalist, I love and honor my people and my country, and fight for it to the last. As a socialist, I fight for all my people, and for every Norwegian to be recognised. Nationalism and socialism are what we experience in our camaraderie as soldiers at the front today. And this camaraderie must be the basis for our youth movement and later become the basis for our entire people.
But the time out there has given me even greater things, namely experiencing the Great Germanic camaraderie. In a battle where death does not ask whether you are Norwegian or German, we have become real and true comrades with the German soldier. We have noticed that we are of one blood, that we have one goal, and that we belong together. Out at the front, like the great work of our fallen Germanic comrades, which we can only feel the outline of, the great kingdom in which all the Germanic peoples will find their home is growing in silence, without great words. I admit it, openly and freely, I am a Norwegian, who loves my home and people everywhere. But I am also a Great German, who fully and firmly believes in the Great Germanic Empire, and fights for it.
In this realm, every Germanic people will find their place, as they deserve it after their efforts. In the center stands the Führer, Adolf Hitler. We decide for ourselves in the youth group today whether we will march along towards this great future at the beginning or at the end of the ranks. We are very fortunate to have a man like Vidkun Quisling as a leader, and that he has been in favor of this idea at an early stage, and that he has built his movement with it in mind. Vidkun Quisling has given us a head start on our other Germanic friendly countries, a head start that we young people must make even bigger. This would be the best gift we could give our Leader Vidkun Quisling, who has fought and sacrificed so much for our people, if we could fight him to get the first place among the Germanic leaders.
Often we hear people within our own ranks who are despairing and distrustful. There are the people who still believe that Norway can one day return to its peaceful life, to "the good old days", who do not worry about the events outside Europe, but who only think about their own selves. But that time is over. The time that our poets and seers have prophesied so many times, the foundation for that is now being created out on the battlefield in the east. And Norway must become part of this Europe that is being built up.
Many people ask: Will we ever be free again? I believe firmly and surely that we will one day become a free and independent Germanic people in Norway. This freedom, however, has nothing to do with the freedom expressed by the egoism of the plutocrats. Their talk of freedom is really just the thought of a full wallet. No, freedom becomes a voluntary confession to a greater unity, and within this unity the Norwegian people must live on with pride and honor.
Many people say: Adolf Hitler does not mean it honestly! To these people we answer: You regard the relationship with Germany as a trade where it is necessary to deceive the other party by cunning and deception. The relationship between Norway and Germany is not determined by small merchants and cattle traders, but by National Socialists, soldiers and free Germanic peoples. When we went into battle last year as volunteer legionnaires, we swore the oath to Adolf Hitler at Vidkun Quisling's wish; this oath is not just words. I have hereby promised in war unconditional fidelity and obedience. I know that this loyalty and obedience with which my comrades and I have fought is not only meant to be from our side, but that Adolf Hitler will also reciprocate it towards our country and our youth. On this point we must all be open and honest, he who cannot bring himself to have this faith, he does not belong to our ranks. We must create a clear front in our youth group.
The young generation in Norway will without a doubt and with a clean attitude and strong faith stand shoulder to shoulder next to the front fighter, and march along into a great and happy future. A future where the Germanic peoples will stand together and decide the history of this world. That is the goal we are fighting for.
Long live our dear Leader Vidkun Quisling!
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Sverre Henschien: Leader of the Førerguard (1944-1945)
Born 29 July 1897 in Levanger, Nord-Trøndelag, Norway. Sverre Henschien was the Leader of the Førerguard from 1944 to 1945.
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